stitutes marriage. It is a small gift, a little cooked food brought in baskets and offered by the girl's father to the boy's parents. It is set down in front of their house with the words kam katuvila, "thy katuvila gift." It must be given on the day on which the two remain together, or on the morning of the next day. As we have seen, when the consent of the girl's family is doubtful the two partners often abstain from food till this gift is brought.
Soon afterwards, usually on the same day, the girl's relatives bring a bigger present. Her father, her maternal uncle, and her brothers who now for the first time emerge from the inaction imposed on them by the specific brother-sister taboo, each bring a basket of uncooked yam food, and offer it to the boy's parents. This gift is called pepe'i. But even this is not enough. A third offering of food is brought to the boy's parents, cooked this time and carried on large platters, such as can be seen on plates 4 and 5. This gift is called kaykaboma.[1]
The boy's family must not delay long before they reciprocate. The last gift, cooked food on trays, is returned almost immediately and in exactly the same form as it was received. A more important gift follows. The boy's father has already prepared certain valuables of the vavgu'a type, that is to say, large, polished axe-blades of green stone, necklaces of polished spondylus shell discs, and armlets made of the conus shell; also, when the sec-
- ↑ The reader who has grasped the complex psychology of ceremonial gifts in the kula and in associated activities will understand the great importance of the exchanges which accompany so many social transactions in the Trobriands. Cf. Argonauts of the Western Pacific, especially chs. iii and vi.
