28 I. ALLGEMEINES UND SPRACHE. 4. VEDIC GRAMMAR. On the other hand, the palatal appears in cud-, códati 'impel'; scut-, scotati 'drip', because here forms with u, which required a guttural, were rare; in car-, carati 'move', where the palatal is almost invariably phonetic in RV. (but AV. has cacãra); in crt- 'bind', the palatal has fixed itself in spite of many forms with r; while beside harşate 'rejoices', hársant-, part., both h and gh occur in weak forms: hrsitá-, ghŕsu- 'lively', ghrsvi- 'gladdening'. c. Among roots in -an and am, survivals of the regular interchange are found in kan 'be pleased', and han- 'strike'. The former has the palatal (= IE. kě-) in the aor. canistam, in the superl. cániṣṭha-, and in cánas- ‘favour', but otherwise the guttural. In han-, h appears before an (— IE. en) and, by analogy, also before an-nn and a = n; but gh before n and ǎ = IE. ǎ; thus hán-ti, inf. hán-tave; han-mas, han-yáma; ha-thás, -ha-tá, and with j in impv. jahi (= *jhahi), but perf. jaghána, and ghaná- 'striker', ghanāghaná- 'found of striking'. In the intv. janghan-, gh stands for before a = IE. e owing to the influence of the weak stem janghn-. In gam- 'go', ga- gm- (e. g. in gácchati, ga-tá-) has led to the use of gam- *jam-, as in gám-anti². = d. In the remaining verbs, that is, those with a (25) or e (22) as high grade vowel, there appears chiefly the palatal throughout; thus cakṣ-: cacákşa (for *cakákṣa). The phonetic guttural is, however, preserved in some forms of the three verbs ci- 'observe' (perf. cikáya); cit- 'observe' (perf. cikéta; kéta- will'; keti-3 'appearance'); and ji- 'conquer' (perf. jigaya; gáya- 'house- hold'). A guttural not phonetically justified appears before a (= IE. e) only in ghas- 'eat' (aor. ághas, subj. ghas-a-t) and in gal- 'drop' (gal- galīti VS.). = e. In reduplicative syllables containing a of roots having initial guttural or palatal, the palatal always appears in the perfect, pluperfect, or reduplicated aorist; thus kr- 'make': cakára; khad- 'chew': cakháda; gam- 'go': jagáma; ghas- 'eat : jaghása; cakṣ- 'see' : cacákṣşa; pluperf. of kr- : acakrat; red. aor. of jas- 'be exhausted': jajas-tám. The palatal is here historically phonetic, as the IE. reduplicative vowel was e. In the intensive, however, the palatal is invariable only when the reduplication is monosyllabic4; e. g. kram- ‘stride' : can-kramata; gr- :jā-gr- 'awake'; han- 'strike' : jan-ghanti. But when the reduplication is dissyllabic, the guttural 5 predominates; thus kṛ-, part.kári-kr-at-; krand- 'roar': káni-kra(n)d-; gam- 'go': gani-gan-, gani-gm-; han- 'strike' : ghani-ghn- (cp.ghanāghaná-); skand- 'leap': both káni-skand- and cani-şkadat subj. 38. New palatals as radical finals. a. Verbal forms.- Before the thematic verbal endings (including those of the a-aorist and the reduplicated aorist) the final of roots regularly appears as a palatal which, though phonetic only in about the same degree as the guttural, has prevailed. Gutturals are ¹ If kútsa- N. is derived from cud-, and carşani- 'active', from kr-, the initial conso- nant has not been affected by the norma- lizing influence of the roots, because these words have been isolated. in certain forms; but few traces of this remain, | 3 Beside céru- 'devout', keru- appears in as the forms of each verb have been nor- the compound máhi-keru- 'very devout'; cp. malized. WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 101 (43 b). 4 In the post-Vedic language, the palatal is invariable even in dissyllabic redupli- cation. 5 But if the initial of the root is a palatal, the reduplicative consonant is of course al- ways a palatal; thus cand- ‘shine' : cániścad- car- 'move': carácará-; cal- 'move' : calăcalá- 'ever moving'. Cp. 32 a. 6 Phonetically we should have *pákāmi (IE. o), pác-asi and pác-ati (IE. ě). 2 The correct phonetic interchange appears in jangahe 'kicks', and jámhas- 'course', if these forms are connected, as BR. think. WHITNEY, Roots, however, considers the former an intensive of gah- 'plunge'.
