1870-78. 514 GEILBIANY [nIs'ronv. many of theiu stated it in violent terms, and openly aimed ' again been shot at, and that this time he had been at the equal division of property, if possible by peaceful agitation, if necessary by revolution. At the time of the formation of the party llerr von Bismarck was engaged in his struggle with the liberals in the Prussian parliament, and he did not scruple to damage his opponents by eiico1ir- aging Lassalle, who detested them more veliemently than did the premier himself. Soon after the war with France the condition of the country was in the highest degree favourable to the progress of the movenient. Intoxicated by the national triumphs, and having a vague impression that wounded. For some days Germany was convulsed with rage and horror, and on all sides the cry was raised that now at last socialism must be sternly dealt with. Taking courage, the Government dissolved parlianient, and pressure of every kind was put upon the electors to secure a thoroughly reactionary diet. The country, however, re- flected that, although it was necessary to protect society, it might not be necessary to sacrifice the liberties which it had with so much difficult y conquered. Accordingly, when the new parliament assembled in August 1878, it was found that the liberals had not sustained very serious losses. The Rr-pi progressists bitterly opposed the measure introduced by ~'i'_c-1 the Governnient; but by some means Prince Bisiii-ai'ck1““° the French iiideiuiiity must be an inexhaustible source of wealth, many of the German middle class indulged in wild Attempts on the emperor's life. speculation, and contracted habits of reckless expenditure. At the same time the resources of the nation were drained by the most costly military system the world has ever seen. The inevitable result was that in a short time trade was depressed beyond all recent experience; wages fell, and large numbers of ivorknien were deprived of employinent. Socialism found its opportunity; multitudes of the sufferers eagerly listened to instructors who depicted for them a bril- liant future that might be easily attained. In England no considerable body of men has ever been deeply impressed by socialist schemes; but in Germany the conditions of political life are altogether different. There the Govern- ment is the greatest of all powers. At every stage of a inan’s life it makes itself felt ; it creates around the coni- iiiunity a sort of political atmosphere from which there is no escape, in which every one moves and breathes. Thus to an iiiiiiistructed German there seems to be hardly any limit to the feats of which the state is capable. It pro- fesses to be so nearly omnipotent that he appears to himself to be within his right in asking it to make all poor iuen suddenly rich. At each successive general election the numbers of socialist deputies to the imperial parliament increased ; and in 1877 it was calculated that, although only twelve mem- bers of the party were returned, about a tenth of the entire body of voters were socialists. Some alarm was excited by these facts, but no one thought of putting down the move- ment by force until one day in May 1878 a shot was fired at the aged emperor in Berlin, as he drove along the Unter den Linden with his daughter, the grand-duchess of Baden, by his side. The criminal, a youth named Hodel, boasted of his socialist opinions and aims. A wave of anger swept over the nation; and the reactionary party, fancying it had an opportunity of laying a rough hand on far more than socialism, succeeded in inducing the imperial Government to draw up without delay a severe measure, directed nominally against the socialists, but in reality against all politicians obnoxious to the conservatives. The bill was hurried through the federal council and submitted to the diet. By that time the majority of the liberals had recovered their self-control ; and with the aid of the centre party they threw out the proposed scheme by an immense majority. Parliament was prorogued, and it was uncertain whether there would be any further attempt at repression. Suddenly the announcement came that the emperor had managed, as he had often done before, to overcome the objections of the national liberals. By their support a law was passed which gave the police of the empire, for two years and a half, enornious special powers. These powers were at once rigidly enforced; and socialism appeared to vanish from the land. Whether, however, it may not spring up in some great national crisis, all the stronger for the sufferings of its adherents, is a ‘point that can be deter- mined only when some great national crisis occurs. The socialists and the ultranioiitaiies, without having mm anything else in common, have joined in opposition to unit: measures for promoting the national unity. They have been aided by the Polish deputies, by the members for Alsace and Lorraine, and by the so-called particularists, conserva- tive politicians ardeiitly attached to the ancient customs and rights of the individual states. Notwitlistanding this formidable band of allies, considerable progress has been made in the task of transforming a loose confederation of countries into a true nation. Between 1872 and 1875 utter anarchy in important departments of life was brought to an end by laws relating to imperial coinage, imperial paper money, and the system of banking. And in 1877 thorough investigation resulted in the appointnient of a supreme imperial tribunal (Reiehsgericht). It was pro- posed that this tribunal should sit in Berlin; but many liberals having no desire that that city should assume in Germany the place which belongs in France to I’ari.<, a large majority decided for Leipsic. This was taken as a hint that, while Germany wishes to be united, she will not vol- untarily see herself traiisformed into a niagnificd Prussia. In spite of their military strength, their victories, and .the establishment of their empire, the Germans are not, politically, acoiitented people ; and the reason is that they have outgrown their institutions. While a statesman of extraordinary genius and authority stands in the we. ', a progressive system may be impossible ; but the more iii- telligent classesihave never lost the desire to add to the hardly-eariied national unity the crowning triumph of un- fettered representative government. Bz'blz'0grapI¢y.—Luden, Die (,}'cscIu'r/0/c dos (lculschcn I'uI7:s.; Leo, I’o7'lcsu71_(/on iibcr (lie Gcschiclilc (lots dculschcn Volks uml 1i’ci'cl4.s-, Gicsebreelit, Gcsclziclatc (lrr clculschm Kaiscrzcit; 'aitz, .D::utscIu; Vc7;f(Issu7z_qsgcscIzichtc; Mayer, Dcattsclzc G'cscIz.z'cIitr; Soueliay, Ges- chichtc (lcr dcutschcn 1l[o7zarcIn'c: Sn genlieim, 0'cschz'chtc dcs (Ic llf-S'(‘]lClL Volks mid sci-nor Cultwr. (J . -51-) PART III. —LAN GUAGE. In its ordinary sense the name German Language or the Danish population of nortnern Schleswig. Flemish and Dezttscltc Sp:-ache is now generally used to denote, in all their stages from the earliest time to the present day, the different languages and dialects of Teutonic origin spoken in the German and Austrian empires and in Switzerland, not including, however, the Frisian language, which once was spoken, and still in a few remnants survives, on the shores and islands of the German Ocean, nor the dialects of Dutch, although very closely connected with German, are likewise excluded. But the word Deutsch has also been, and still continues to be, used in a wider sense. Jacob Grimm introduced it, in his famous Deutsc/te G'rcmmza(z'l', as a comprehensive name for that family of the so-called Indo-European or Aryan languages, for which English
writers generally use the name of “ Teutonic,” and of which