510 GERMANY [HIs'roRY. 1856-63. utmost development displayed itself in Prussia, whose atteii- I scheme which would have effected a change without Prussia and Switzer- izi a-.1. Liberal- ism in Prussia. Franco- Austrian war in Italy. Re’/'i=.'al of na- tional move- ment. tion was for a time distracted from home politics by a quarrel with Switzerland. The Swiss authorities had im- prisoned some foolish royalists of Neuchatel, in which the house of Holienzollerii had never resigned its rights. War was threatened by Prussia, but when the prisoners were set free, the two states entered upon negotiations, and in the summer of 1857 King Frederick 'illiain withdrew all claims to the principality. Soon after this, the mental condition of the king made it necessary that_ his duties should be undertaken by a substitute, and his brother, the Prince of Prussia, took his place for three months. In October 1858 the prince became regent; and as he was unfavourable to the policy which had hitherto been pursued, he appointed a new ministry of a moderately liberal cliar— acter. A general election was ordered; and, the free action of the constituencies being in no way interfered with, they returned a parliament in which the feudalists held the place that had belonged to the liberals in the previous chamber. No more thorough proof could have been given of the liberal sentiments of the population, and the effect was soon seen in the growing hopefulness of the liberal party in every German state. The Italian war of 1859, in which Austria found herself opposed by France and Sardinia, excited vehement interest in Germany. A section of the liberal party would have been pleased had Prussia taken the occasion to reconstitute the confederation by excluding Austria ; but Prussia was so far from attempting this that she put herself in a state of readiness for war with France. After the battle of Magenta she mobilized part of her army, and gave her assent to the placing of confederate troops on the upper Rhine. These measures induced the emperor Napoleon to conclude a hasty peace ; but Austria was bitterly offended because she had not received the open support both of the bund and of Prussia. The misfortunes of Austria in this n ar brought to light the instability of the absoliitist system which had been maintained since the crushing of the revolution of 1848. The army had fought without enthusiasm, and after the restoration of peace voices were everywhere raised for reform. Petty concessions were at first attempted, but in December 1860 the emperor changed his ministers, promising that the constitutions of the various provinces should be revised, and that a Reichsratli, with the right of initiating legislation, should be freely elected by the pro- vincial diets. Although this arrangement was far from pacifying the populations, it was a great advance on any previous proposal, and stirred the hope of still larger coii- cessions. Another result of the Italian war, of far greater import- ance for the general progress of Germany, was the revival of the old desire for national unity. The Germans could not persuade themselves that that which the Italians had attained was unattainable by them ; and they believed that, if they acquired the same measure of unity, there would soon be an end of despotism. After the war, a number of leading politicians, having held repeated conferences, founded what they called the National Union, an organi- i zation intended to promote the national cause; and it had a profound effect in maintaining and stimulating public interest in its object. ' fort, for the purpose of settling the question. improving her position. In 1863 the emperor Francis Joseph invited the German princes to a congress in I"raiik- A settlemcnt proposed by him was unlikely to be acceptable to Prussia; and she held aloof. When the Austrian emperor’s plan was unfolded, its aim, as every one expected, was seen to be the confirming of his own authority. It was, therefore, with equal decision, rejected by the Prussian Government and by the German liberals. M.eaiiwliile, changes had taken place in Prussia which were destined to lead to a solution of the long-discussed problem, as complete as it was unexpected. On the death of Frederick William IV. on the 2d January 180], the prince regent assumed the crown of Prussia as Willi-ani I. Within ten years Germany was united, and this amiable king was proclaimed emperor. This result was the issue of a vast series of historical causes; but it is indissolulily associated with the name of King Villiam’s great minister, Bismarck, who was made Prussian premier in 1862. N o more remarkable figure has arisen in the history of Germany. Before he became prime minister he had acted as Prussian plenipotentiary at the confederate diet, and as Prussian ambassador in Paris and St Petersburg ; he was, therefore, familiar with the coii- flicting political currents of tlie time. When raised to the highest post in the state under the crown, he soon formed the fixed resolution of adding to the power of Prussia, and placing her at the head of united Gerinany. Having something of Croinwell’s superstition as well as Cro1nwell's strength, he apparently regarded this as a sort of religious mission; and in many respects he could hardly have been better adapted to the task. A rough, despotic, vehement nature, he was uiideterred by scruples which. might harass ordinary statesmen ; having set up a goal, he marched to it by the straiglitest path. The solemn traditions of diplomacy, to the astonishment of Europe, he laughed out of court. He respected treaties exactly in so far as they were capable of being defended, and produced by boisterous frankness the effects which other men achieve by mystery and deceit. Vitli little faith in the action of moral causes, he took care to have behind him those big battalions which destiny is sai (1 unduly to favour. Prussia at once recognized that she had in him a statesman of commanding type,—a bold and resolute spirit, with narrow but intense vision, and a will created to go crashing through difficulties, and to fashion a world to its liking. When Bismarck was made premier the Government was engaged in a hot dispute with the representative clianiber. The latter refused to sanction a great scheme of niilitary reform, and the ministry was compelled, in direct opposition to the constitution, to trust to the upper house for supplies. Bismarck carried on the contest with cynical audacity; and he was in no way shaken when the country, over and over again, proved that its sympathies were with his opponents. The military reforms were executed, and the nation was tolerably plainly told that its approval was of secondary importance. An opportunity for stirring up the chaotic elements from which the Prussian premier proposed to evolve a cosmos of his own was soon afforded by the revival of that most coin- Tlie Governments, seeing the ' plicated of “questions,” t.lie qllestlon of Sclileswig- lolstcin. strength of the movement, sought to give it a direction Ever since the settlemcnt-of 185;’. it had from time to time suitable to their own interests. Prussia and Austria entered I engaged attention. The tendency of Danish policy, accord- into negotiations, but failed to arrive at an understanding. ing to the Germans, was to subject llolstein and Schleswig I The Saxon minister, Baron Beust, then came forward with a proposal, whose aim was to play off the two great states against one another, and to enable the smaller states to hold the balance. Austria was not unwilling to be persuaded: but Prussia would have nothing to say to a ' to wholly different ti'ea.tmcnt., and, in the application of the general constitution of the kingdom, to pay insufiiciciit rc- spcet to the rights of llolstcin as a member of the German confederation. Soon after the duke of Gliicksburg, in accordance with the London yrotocol, inoiinted the Danish Villia. I. of Prussi Bi.-ma Si-liles. wig-H
stein.