508 ence. Bitter strife now broke out in the assembly. of the ministers resigned, and one of those who took their place, Herr von Gagerii, proposed that, since Austria was to be a united state, she should not enter the confederation, but that her relations to Gerinany should be regulated by a special act of union. This of course meant that Prussia slionld be at the head of Germany, and recommended itself to the majority of the constitutional party. It was resisted by the Austrian members, who were supported by the iiltraiiiontanes and the democrats, both of whom disliked Prussia, the former because of her Protestantism, the latter because of her bureaucra.tic system. Herr von Gagern’s proposal was, however, adopted. Immediately afterwards the question as to the character of the executive was raised. Some voted that a directory of princes should be appointed, 1849-50. G E R M A N Y Two' others that there should be a president, eligible from the ‘ whole German iiatiou ; but the final decision was that the headship of the state should be offered by the assembly to some particular German prince, and that he should bear the title of emperor of the Germans. The whole subject was as eagerly discussed throughout the country as in Frankfort. Austria firmly opposed the idea of a united German state, insisting that the Austrian emperor could not consent to be subordinate to any other prince. She was supported by Bavaria, but on the other side were Prussia, Brunswick, Baden, Nassau, Mecklenberg, and various other countries, besides the Hanseatic towns. For some time Austria offered no counter scheme, but she ultimately proposed that there should be a directory of seven princes, the chief place being held alternately by a Prussian and an Austrian imperial vicar. Nothing came of this suggestion, and in due time the assembly proceeded to the second reading of the constitution. It was revised in a democratic sense, but the imperial title was maintained, and a narrow majority decided that it should be hereditary. Frederick William IV. of Prussia was then chosen emperor. Fretlericli All Germany awaited with anxiety the replyof Frederick R_111(113"1 William. It was thought not improbable that he would cuéeseglle accept the honour offered him, for in the early part of his i,,,pefi,,1 reign he had spoken of German unity as enthusiastically as cromi. of liberty, and, besides, the opportunity was surprisingly favourable. The larger number of the North—Gerniaii states were at least not unwilling to submit to the arrange- ment ; and Austria, whose opposition in ordinary circum- stances would have been fatal, was paralysed by her struggle with Hungary. Frederick William had not, however, the courage of his opinions ; the deputation which waited upon him was dismissed with the answer that he could not assume the imperial title without the full sanction of the princes and the free cities. This answer was in reality a deathblow to the hopes of German patriots, but the assembly affected to believe that its cause was not yet lost, and appointed a committee to see that the provisions of the constitution were carried out. A vigorous agitation began in the country for the acceptance of_ the constitution by the Governments. The king of
iirtemberg was forced to accede to it; and in Saxony,
Baden, and Bhenish Bavaria armed multitudes kept the sovereigns in terror. Prussia, which, following the example of Austria, had recalled her representatives from Frankfort, sent her troops to put down these risings, and on the 21st May 1849 the larger number of the deputies to the assembly voluntarily resigned their seats. A few republican members held on by it, and transferred the sittings to Stuttgart. lIere they even elected an imperial Government, but they had no longer any real influence, and on the 18th June they were forcibly dispersed by the Wiirtemberg ministry. Although Frederick William had refused to become emperor, he was unwilling to miss altogether the opportunity Proposed empire. End of Frank- fort as- sembl _v. The Union.
- considered the budget.
I . . , without its consent. 1 posals met with steady opposition from Prussia. [His'roRY. afforded by the difficulties of Austria. He invited the states to send representatives to Berlin to discuss the con- dition of Germany; and he concluded a tre_aty with the kings of Saxony and llanover. Two days afterwards the three allies agreed upon a constitution which was in many respects identical with that drawn up by the Fraiikfort assembly. The functions of the executive were, however, extended, the electoral law was made less democratic, and it was decided that, instead of an emperor, there should be merely a supreme chief aided by a college of princes. This constitution was accepted by a number of states, which assumed the name of the “ The Union, ” and on the ‘.30th March 1850 a parliament consisting of two houses met in Erfurt. Both houses accepted the constitution; and, im- iiiediately after they broke up, the uienibcrs of the Union assembled in Berlin, and a provisional college of princes was elected. By that time, however, the whole situa- tion of Germany had changed. In the autumn of 1849 Austria had succeeded, by the help of Russia, in quelling the Hungarian insurrection, and she was then in no mood to let herself be thrust aside by Prussia. Encouraged by her, Hanover and Saxony had severed themselves from the Union, and Saxony, Wiuteiiiberg, and Bavaria arrived at an understanding as to a wholly new constitution. After- wards all four states, with several others, accepted the iii- vitation of Austria to consider the propriety of re-establish- ing the Confederation. The representatives of the states favourable to this proposal came together in I"rankfort on the 4th September 1850, and acted as the restored diet. Thus the issue to which the events of about a century had Austria been pointing was apparently raised ; Germany was divided “"1 _ into two hostile parties, one set of states grouping tliein- P”‘5S‘a' selves around Austria, another around Prussia. A difficulty 1)i5gur1,. which arose in llesse-Cassel almost compelled the powers 31100 in to bring their differences to the test of war. In this small gesfil‘ state the liberal movement of 18-18 had been followed by asst’ reaction, and the elector ventiireil to replace Hassenpflug, the unpopular minister who had been driven from power. H-asseiipflug, being detested by the chamber, dissolved it in June 1850; but the new one was not less hostile, and refused to sanction the collection of the taxes until it had For this offence it also was dis- solved, aiid orders were issued for the raising of the taxes Many officials refused to obey; the judges reiuained loyal to the constitution ; and when attempts were made to solve the ditliculty by the army, the officers instructed to act resigned in a body. Meanwliile, Hassenpflug had appealed to the representatives in I"i‘ank- fort who claimed to be the restored diet, and under the influence of Austria they resolved to support him. Prussia, on the other hand, announced its determination to carry out the principles of the Union, and to maintain the Ilessian constitution. Austrian and Bavarian troops having entered llesse, a Prussian army immediately occupied Cassel, and war appeared to be imminent. Prussia, however, slirank from the conflict. Badowitz, the foreign minister, who had so far pursued a vigorous policy, retired, and was replaced by .Ianteuf’fel, who, although the whole Prussian army was mobilized, began by making concessions. The Union was dissolved; and after Austria had despatclicd an ultimatum formulating her demands, the new minister met 1’riiice Schwarzenberg at Oliniitz, and virtually yielded everything Confer- lie insisted upon. The difliculty in llesse was to be left to t‘IlC6__fit the decision of the German Govcrunients; and as soon as O1'"“Lz' possible ministerial conferences were‘ to be held in Dresden, with a view to the settlement of the Geruian constitution. These conferences began in the last days of 1850. The Diet re- Austrian Goveriimeiit strove to secure the appointment of stored- a stronger executive than had hitherto existed; but its pro-
Every