1840-48. Prussian united diet. Revolu- tion of 1 848. 506 vious reign for supposed revolutionary tendencies, and wel- comed to the Berlin University tl1e brothers Grimm, who, with five other professors, had been driven from Giittingen for protesting against the violence of Ernest Augustus. But it soon became manifest that Frederick Willianfs favourite conception of “the Christian state” did not in- clude any genuine exercise of political power by the nation ; he wished to rule in a more enlightened spirit than l1is father, but not less absolutely. It was arranged that the provincial diets established by Frederick William III. should meet periodically, but this was a poor substitute for the great positive measures which had been anticipated. And within a very few years “the Christian state” was found to be compatible with a strict censorship, with the arbitrary punishment of schoolmasters, clergymen, and judges who did not meet the approval of the Government, and generally with incessant and irritating interference with the private life of the individual. The king lost all the popularity he had acquired in the ea.rly days of his reign by vaguely cnthusiastic promises, and impartial observers saw that he and his people must sooner or later enter upon a serious struggle. A like state of things existed all over Germany. The German, Hungarian, Slavonic, and Italian subjects of the emperor Ferdinand (1835-48), who suc- ceeded Fraucis I., were all agitating for reform; and in Bavaria, Hesse—Cassel, and Baden reactionary ministers were confronted by opponents who daily acquired increased influ nce among the masses of the population. In so many threatening forms did the rising spirit of the Prussian people reveal itself that in 1847 the king sum- moned to Berlin a united diet composed of the representa- tives of the provincial diets. This assembly truly expressed the popular feeling, but with so much moderation, and accompanying its demands by so many sincere assurances of loyalty, that it could not alarm the most timid. Frederick William, however, was offended by its tone, and haughtily proclaimed that he would never abate the rights which, as a lawful prince, he held bya higher than lnnnan authority. Such was the condition of Germany at the breaking out of the French revolution of 1843. Its effect upon the public mind was immediate and profound. It had been made clear that no dependence was to be placed upon the engagements of the sovereigns, and that if anything was to be done it must be done by the people themselves. At a convention in Mannheim four demands were formulated— freedom of the press, trial by jury, national armies, and national representation. These demands were universally adopted as the liberal programme; and within a few days there was a liberal ministry in every one of the small states. In Bavaria, King Louis, whose well-meant efforts to make Munich a centre of art had not induced the nation to forget its political rights, resigned the crown to his son Maximilian. The popular excitement in Austria became so intense that Prince Metternich was dismissed, constitutional government was promised, and the Hungarians received a new cabinet. Still more vehement was the revolutionary movement in Prussia. Scenes of great violence occurred in the streets of Berlin, and on the 18th of March the king, who had previously tried to allay the storm by announcing that the united diet should meet periodically,—a concession he had refused to make at the proper mon1ent,—declared that the national desire for a constitution should be satisfied. There was, however, a general feeling of distrust, and a conflict, which continued till the following morning, broke out between the trOT)pS and the population. Frederick William, who, although an ardent npholder of the divine right of kings, was too kind—hearted aman and too timid to approve of a struggle of this kind, laid aside his high pretensions, changed his ministers, and asserted that he would place him- GERMANY [r11s'ronv. self at thehead of the national movement. By these means a more pacific temper was restored, and, after the united diet had passed an electoral law, the country was called upon to choose a national assembly. It was not only reform in the individual states that was Natiom demanded in 1848 ; the majority of the people felt that the union time had come for sweeping away the etfete bund which had done service only to the enemies of freedom, and for replacing it by a system of na.tional representation which should maintain the dignity of Germany abroad and foster enlightened institutions at home. There was, indeed, a general conviction that only by means of a great central movement could the special agitations lead to enduring results. A number of deputies, belonging to different legis- lative assemblies, taking it upon themselves to give voice to the national demands, met at Heidelberg, and a committee appointed by them invited all Germans who then were, or who had formerly been, members of diets, as well as some other public men, to meet at Frankfort for the purpose of considering the question of national reform. About 500 representatives accepted the invitation. They Prelimi constituted themselves a preliminary parliament, and at Hf“? PR once began to provide for the election of a national assembly. ]‘“m°“l . . 0fFI‘:1nl It was decided that there should be a representative for fort every group of 50,000 inhabitants, and that the election should be by universal suffrage. A considerable party wished that the preliminary parliament should continue to act until the assembly should be formed, but this was overruled, the majority contenting themselves with the appointment of a committee of 50, whose duty it should be in the interval to guard the national interests. Some of those who were discontented with this decision retired from the preliminary parliament, and a few of them, of repub- lican sympathies, called the population of Upper Baden to arms. The rising was put down by the troops of Baden, but it did considerable injury by awakening the fears of the more moderate portion of the community. Great hindrances were put in the way of the elections, b11t, as the l’russian and Austrian Governments were too much occupied with their immediate difficulties to resist to the uttermost, the assembly was at last chosen, and met at Frankfort on the 18th May. The old diet broke up, Frank. and the national representa.tives had before them a clear f0I1a8- field. There is no reason to doubt that if they had acted Sembly with promptitude and discretion they would have succeeded in the task they had undertaken. Neither Austria nor Prussia was for some time in a position to thwart them, and the sovereigns of the smallcr states were too nmch afraid of the revolutionary elements manifested on all sides to give way to reactionary impulses. But the Germans had had no experience of free political life. Nearly every deputy had his own theory of the course which ought to be pursued, and felt sure that the country would go to ruin if it were not adopted. Learned professors and talkative journalists insisted on delivering interminable speeches, and on examining in the light of ultimate philosophical principles every proposal laid before the assembly. Thus precious time was lost, violent antagonisms were called forth, the patience of the nation was exhausted, and the reactionary forces were able to gather strength for once more asserting themselves. The very first important question brought out the weaknesses of the deputies. This related to the nature of the central provisional executive. A committee appointed to discuss the matter suggested that there should be a directory of three members, appointed by the German Governments, subject to the approval of the assembly, and ruling by means of ministers responsible to the latter body. This elaborate scheme found favour with a large number of members, but others insisted that there should be a presi-
dent or a central committee, appointed by the assembly,