hand, both in law and in common sense, where there are state questions, and above all in matters concerning war, private citizens have no right to use their own wills."
Sergyeï Ivanovitch and Katavasof were both ready at the same instant with answers.
"That's where you're mistaken, batyushka," said Katavasof. "There may be cases when government does not carry out the will of its citizens, and then society declares its own will."
But Sergyeï Ivanovitch did not approve of this reply. He frowned as Katavasof spoke, and put it another way:—
"You state the question all wrong. Here there is no declaration of war, but simply an expression of human, of Christian, sympathy. Our brethren, men of the same blood, the same faith, are butchered. Now, we do not merely regard them as brethren and as coreligionists, but as women, children, old men. Our feelings are stirred, and the whole Russian people fly to help check these horrors. Suppose you were walking in the street, and saw a drunken man beating a woman or a child. I think you would not stop to ask whether war had been declared or had not been declared on such a man before you attacked him and protected the object of his fury,"
"No; but I should not kill him."
"Yes, you might even kill him."
"I don't know. If I saw such a sight, I might yield to the immediate feeling. I cannot tell how it would be. But in the oppression of the Slavs, there is not, and cannot be, such a powerful motive."
"Perhaps not for you, but other people think differently," said Sergyeï Ivanovitch, angrily. "The people still keep the tradition of sympathy with brethren of the orthodox faith, who are groaning under the yoke of the 'unspeakable Turk.' They have heard of their terrible sufferings, and are aroused."
"That may be," answered Levin, in a conciliatory tone, "only I don't see it. I myself am one of the people, and I don't feel it."
"I can say the same," put in the old prince, - "I was
